Owain Glyndŵr In Pembrokeshire


Owain’s 1401 Campaign


       There is virtually nothing written about the events of the summer of 1401 – and especially the Battle of Hyddgen. ‘The Annals of Owen Glyn Dwr’ (National Library, MS 135) was the main source. It was written between 1556 and 1564 by Gruffydd Hiraethog, and is believed to be based on a 1422 manuscript.

       He suggested that 1500 men of the lowlands of Ceredigion and of Rhos and Penfro met Glyndwr on ‘Hyddgant’ mountain:-

“The following summer Owain rose with 120 reckless men and robbers and he brought them in warlike fashion to the uplands of Ceredigion; and 1,500 men of the lowlands of Ceredigion and of Rhos and Penfro assembled there and came to the mountain with the intent to seize Owain. The encounter between them was on Hyddgen Mountain, and no sooner did the English troops turn their backs in flight than 200 of them were slain. Owain now won great fame, and a great number of youths and fighting men from every part of Wales rose and joined him, until he had a great host at his back.”

       In June 1401 two reports from North Wales detailed that ‘Welsh rebels’ had been defeated in skirmishes and were on the run, and by September Henry IV was again making preparations to send an army into Wales.

       There was probably an encounter which took place sometime between June and September, but it is extremely unlikely that the Welsh were ‘surprised’ by an English-Flemish force. Owain was too-skilled a military leader to let this happen - nor could a force of 1500 men have been able to surround Mount Hyddgen.

       Also telling is that there are no other records, from either English or Welsh sources of such a battle taking place or for the mobilization of 1500 troops from southern Wales. The description of the battle was probably an exaggerated account of a much smaller skirmish but whatever happened in the summer of 1401, Owain Glyndŵr would go on in following years to gain followers and take control of much of Wales.

Owain’s 1403 Campaign


       The English knew that Owain’s campaign was gaining impetus by May 1403. When Prince Henry was attacking Owain’s homes in north-east Wales he was supposedly looking for Owain and a ‘great number’ of his rebels. Not only did Henry raze Sycharth and Glyndyfrdwy to the ground, but he employed a scorched earth policy and killed a number of Owain’s supporters.

       Around this time, Owain sent a letter to Henry Dwn in Kidwelly asking for his aid in his upcoming attacks on English strongholds in south-west Wales. To this end, Dwn and his son attacked:- Kidwelly in June; Dinefwr Castle on July 2nd; Kidwelly again on August 13th; and again a few months later with the help of French & Breton forces.

       On July 5th, John Scudamore sent out a plea for aid to John Fairford in Brecon from Carreg Cennen Castle, saying that he was under siege and that Glyndwr was attacking Carmarthen that day. Scudamore had spoken to Owain under a truce, and was told that he considered himself secure in Kidwelly, Gowerland and Glamorgan – and that he planned to go to Pembrokeshire after taking Carmarthen.


       The town was entered across a bridge – a famous crossing point over the Tywi. It was larger and busier than most other towns in Wales, ships plied there not only from Cardiff, Tenby and Bristol, but from much farther afield – from Ireland, Gascony and Spain. It was the staple port for south-west Wales and, as such, large amounts of wool and hides would have been stacked on its quays. It was the administrative, financial and judicial capital of South Wales (Cardiganshire, Carmarthenshire, and some annexed lordships). It was the gateway to the East and, thanks to Geoffrey of Monmouth, it was linked to the story of Merlin. There were two routes East from the town – the overland road up the Tywi valley; or along the southern coast.

       The town was possibly the largest borough in Wales but probably had less than 1500 inhabitants. In July 1386 its burgesses were given the right to elect a mayor, two bailiffs, and a coroner annually on the first Monday after Michaelmas. It was predominantly a centre for trades and crafts. The castle physically overshadowed the town and the town walls reinforced this impression. The burgesses had exclusive trading rights in the area within a fifteen-mile radius of its town walls. They would try to nullify any other trade and this would stoke up trouble later. It was regarded as an ‘English’ town despite many of the inhabitants being Welsh.

Attack by Glyndwr  The castle was lost to Glyndwr’s men in the Summer of 1403 – as well as those of Dryslwyn and Newcastle Emlyn. About 50 people were killed in the attack on Carmarthen (the principal town of Wales) on July 5th 1403, and the town was devastated. The burgesses suffered the most – their houses were burnt to the ground and the losses of goods, stock and trade were immense – Thomas Dyer is said to have claimed £1000 in compensation for goods lost to the ‘rebels’. There was an agreement to divide the spoils of this between Owain and Rhys Ddu, one of the local commanders.

       On July 7th, Jankyn Havard pleaded for aid from Dinefwr Castle – which had been under siege for over a week. He confirmed that Owain, Henry Dwn, Rhys Ddu, Rhys ap Gruffudd ap Llewelyn and Rhys Gethin had taken the town and castle at Carmarthen, and that they were aiming to do the same in Kidwelly. He also reported that Siancyn ap Llewelyn had freely surrendered Newcastle Emlyn, and that many landowners from the area had joined Owain’s cause.

       On July 8th, Richard Kingston sent out a plea for aid to Henry IV from Hereford after receiving Scudamore’s letter. He then added that Roger Wigmore had handed over Carmarthen Castle following the burning of the town, and that more than 50 people had been slain.

       John Llwyd, a Carmarthen burgess, defected to Owain’s cause. He was a prominent merchant who was fined £200 for his support of Owain and, when neither he nor his pledger had the means to pay the fine, he was imprisoned in Carmarthen Prison for two years.


Hendy-gwyn / Whitland Abbey

       Whitland was founded by the Normans in 1140 under the direction of St Bernard’s abbey at Clairvaux, but when the Welsh reconquered the area it became a Welsh house and the mother of all the Welsh Cistercian foundations. The abbey suffered savage reprisals for its support of Llywelyn ap Gruffydd and Owain Glyndwr.

       Iolo Goch, in his imaginary ‘poetic circuit’ around Wales, visited the Cistercian abbey in Whitland. It was in the Cistercian monasteries that Owain would draw some of his most committed supporters, and the abbots of Conwy, Ystrad Fflur, Whitland and Llantarnam were known to have enlisted in his cause.

       On his hurried return from Ireland, Richard II by 29 July 1399 was back in our near Whitland Abbey, trying to devise a strategy to counter the threat posed by Henry Bolingbroke’s victorious march through his kingdom.

       Around 1400, one of its monks was charged with wandering through Wales, holding riotous assemblies, propagating Welsh chronicles and prophecies, and inciting the people to rebellion.

Hywel Dda

       According to tradition Hywel Dda called a great assembly of lawyers and leaders from all over his kingdom to the ‘Ty Gwyn-ar-Daf’(the white house on the Taf), now known as Whitland, to study the laws of various provinces and to draw up a unified legal code for Wales.

       Hywel Dda (or Hywel ap Cadell ap Rhodri Mawr, c.880 – 950) was a King of Deheubarth who eventually came to rule most of Wales. As a descendant of Rhodri Mawr through his father Cadell, Hywel was a member of the Dinefwr branch of the dynasty. He was recorded as King of the Britons in the Annales Cambriae and the Annals of Ulster.

Laws of Hywel Dda

       The latter part of his name refers to the fact that his laws were just and good. They use compassion rather than punishment, plenty of common sense and recognition of the rights of women. Hywel Dda was a well-educated man even by modern standards, having a good knowledge of Welsh, Latin, and English.

The laws are divisible into several categories:

* Laws of the Court - These laws set down the rights of the king and rulers of Wales, their order of precedence, ranks, titles, and obligations. It introduces the concepts of insults and fines, according to whom an offence was given. The law used payment as a form of punishment, rather than death, dismemberment, etc., which the Normans instituted in England in 1066. In that respect, Welsh law was similar to Anglo-Saxon law and it is the system of Saxon and Welsh lawyers, infighting, and suing one another that provided the precedence for the modern English/American system, rather than the feudal Norman one.

* Laws of the Country - This category was further divided into laws of women, land law, and surety and contracts. Women had more rights and were of higher status than in many European groups (e.g. Norman). For example, a woman was entitled to compensation if her husband beat her for anything other than: “giving away something which she was not entitled to give away, for being found with another man, or for wishing a blemish on her husband’s beard.” She also had the right to divorce him under certain circumstances, including if he was unfaithful to her.

In addition

       - Marriage was considered an agreement, not a holy sacrament.

       - Divorce was permitted by common consent.

       - There was no punishment for theft – if the sole purpose was to stay alive.

       - Illegitimate children received the same rights as legitimate sons and daughters.

       - You were allowed to pick up three things if you found them in the road – a horseshoe, a nail and a penny.

       Further laws include the consequences for homicide, theft, and fire (usually involving payments to the victim) and setting the ‘value’ of animals, both wild and tame, and for trees, equipment and parts of the human body. “The value of a part of the body was fixed, thus a person causing the king to lose an eye would pay the same as if he had caused a villein to lose an eye.” He would also have to pay sarhad, however, meaning “the payment that was due to a person in the event of an insult or injury, and this varied according to the status of the person concerned, for example the queen or the edling’s sarhad was one third that of the king.” (Edling – heir apparent)

       Welsh law was far more humane than Norman law, which was undoubtedly the reason the Archbishop of Canterbury, John Pecham, told Llywelyn ap Gruffydd, the last Prince of Wales, that the laws were inspired by the devil. He was referring, in particular, to the Welsh law that allowed illegimitate sons to inherit land from their father, provided he acknowledged them.

       The office building and original home of the National Assembly for Wales is named Tŷ Hywel in honour of Hywel Dda, and the original Assembly chamber, now known as Siambr Hywel is used for educational courses and for children and young people's debates. The local health board of south-west Wales also bears his name.


       The blood of both Llywelyn Fawr and Edward III flowed through the veins of the Mortimer family, and Narberth was their most westerly possession. Roger Mortimer was born 11 April 1374 at Usk. He had a younger brother, Edmund, who would marry Catrin Glyndwr in 1402; an elder sister, Elizabeth, who would marry Henry ‘Hotspur’ Percy; and a younger sister, Philippa, who would marry the Earl of Arundel.

       Until his death in 1398, Roger Mortimer was considered the heir presumptive to Richard II, and he was the first English earl for whom a Welsh praise poem was written - by the poet Iolo Goch about 1395. Relationships between the Welsh and English in the area were strained, however.

       In 1397, Roger had granted Narberth to his brother, Edmund, but this was confiscated by Henry Bolingbroke in 1402 when Edmund transferred his allegiance to Owain. Thomas, Lord Carew was a local magnate with a vested interest in securing military control in the area, and he was the constable of the castle when it was attacked by Glyndwr in 1403. Narberth is now twinned with the Mortimer stronghold of Ludlow in England.


       Travellers would usually stay in Haverford until their ship was ready and wind conditions were favourable, and then travel to Milford to embark.

       In the 1390s, Richard II appointed the Earl of Worcester, Thomas Percy, to control the strategically important townships of Pembroke and Haverford. He was the brother of the Earl of Northumberland and uncle to Harry Hotspur, and the Chief Justice of South Wales.

       He transferred his allegiance in 1399, however, and went on to hold similar positions for Henry Bolingbroke, but he had changed sides again by March 1403. Haverford was then said to be ‘situated among the Welsh rebels’. His retinue was used by Prince Henry when Owain’s homes in Sycharth and Glyndyfrdwy were razed to the ground in early May 1403, however, and Henry also had support from the retinues of Gilbert Talbot and John Stanley.

       On July 21st he fought alongside his nephew, Hotspur, at the Battle of Shrewsbury – Hotspur died in battle and Worcester was captured. Two days later he was publicly executed in Shrewsbury – with his head taken to London Bridge to be displayed.

Thomas Carew

Born c.1361 in Mohun Ottery, Devonshire, England     Died in 1430/31

Father: Sir Leonard CAREW            Mother: Elizabeth FITZALAN (ARUNDEL)                                                  - descended from Llewelyn ap Iorwerth

Married: Elizabeth BONVILLE (b. ABT 1362 - d. BEF 26 Jul 1451)

Children: 1. Nicholas CAREW (Baron Carew); 2. Hugh CAREW; 3. Elizabeth CAREW

       The Carew family had wide-ranging connections in Ireland, along with the Roches and Wogans. The Pembrokeshire branch of the family were descended from William FitzGerald, the son of Gerald of Windsor and Nest ferch Rhys ap Tewdwr. They also had connections in Ireland and South-West England.

       Thomas, Lord Carew re-took Newcastle Emlyn after it had been captured and sacked by Glyndwr in July 1403. Its inhabitants would have largely been of English origin and, although Carew re-took it within two weeks, the damage to the area must have been considerable. A report from 1428 describes the castle as "ruinous". For defending Narberth Castle and the surrounding area, Carew was later rewarded with the lordships of Narberth and St Clears.

       Carew was a well-placed observer of events in West Wales, and was in no doubt that shortage of food was the major reason for the wide-ranging raids of Owain’s men.

In 1407 he was at the siege of Aberystwyth

In 1415 he was commissioned to guard the English Channel during a royal visit

In 1417 he served on the sea under the 5th Earl of March – Edmund Mortimer’s nephew.

Dinbych y pysgod

       In the 14th Century, English travellers often aimed for the heavily fortified port of Tenby because most of its people would also be English, and there would have been a number of merchants from Bristol there. Carmarthen relied on ships from Tenby and Llansteffan to bring supplies from the coast.

       In 1405 the Franco-Welsh force laid siege to the walled town but failed to take the castle - and then panicked when an English naval squadron was spotted offshore. They burnt many of their own ships and abandoned valuable siege engines as they left hurriedly.

       After Tenby they marched to Carmarthen via St Clears - where again they failed to attack the castle.

Talacharn & Sanclêr

       In Laugharne in 1386 and Sanclêr in 1393 a clause was included in the town charter promising that no burgess would be ‘convicted or judged by any Welshman … but only by English burgesses and true Englishmen’.

       According to Jankyn Havard, on July 11th 1403, when Owain left Carmarthen for Kidwelly, he became aware of a large force led by ‘Baron Carew’ which was heading for St Clears and so changed his plans. He destroyed the land around St Clears on July 9th and lodged there that night. On July 10th Glyndwr entered into talks with Carew – possibly at Brandy Hill, west of St Clears - and then he spent the night in Laugharne. It may well have been here that he consulted with Hopcyn ap Tomas, and decided to split his force before travelling north back to Carmarthen.

       Hopcyn had warned Owain that his life would be in danger if he travelled east towards Gower – probably because Hopcyn owned land in the area which he did not want harmed, and this also stopped Owain travelling to Shrewsbury to meet with the Percys in their confrontation with Henry IV on July 21.

       Owain sent out a scouting party of 700 men who were all killed by Carew – possibly because they were marching westwards towards Pembrokeshire. It did not stop Owain’s men from eventually travelling eastwards, though, and by September 1403 a raiding parties had attacked the countryside and towns from Brecon to Hereford.

Hopcyn ap Tomas

       Hopcyn ap Tomas ab Einion of Ynys Forgan had a love of the arts and cultivated them – he was probably involved in the commission of Llyfr Gwyn Rhydderch and Llyfr Coch Hergest. He was a ‘master of brut’ and was consulted by Glyndwr in 1403. He bemoaned the ‘pain and suffering’ which Welsh people had suffered in their own land.

       On reaching Carmarthen in 1403, Owain sent for Hopcyn – the greatest Welsh bibliophile and literary patron of the day, and an expert in interpreting prophecy or ‘brut’. Owain clearly took these prophecies seriously – as shown in way the Wales and England was to be split up in the Tripartite Indenture in 1405.

Henry IV

       In response to Owain’s attack, Henry IV set off on another campaign in mid-September. He marched via Brecon to Carmarthen where he stayed for 5 days before returning to Hereford. He had decided that pacification was going to be a long and drawn out affair, and so designated a large force of over 550 men to stay there to secure the castle under the Duke of York – but only for exactly one month. The knights, squires and other troops refused to stay in Carmarthen at any price for a single day beyond their contractual obligations. On 1 May 1404, Rustin Villeneuve was its captain with 81 men-at-arms (including 6 knights) and 240 archers, and Garrison the budget for sustaining the garrison for one year at the monthly level of October 1403 would have been £5160.

       Thomas Rede, a merchant of Carmarthen, loaned Henry IV 100 marks for one of his campaigns into Wales, and later helped to raise £400 to help the young Prince Henry arrange for the defence of Carmarthen. He, like John Sely of Llansteffan, plied their ships to Bristol during the height of the conflict. The English of Carmarthen would have supported Carew in stopping Owain’s march down the Tywi valley later that month.


The Franco-Welsh Campaign (1404-1406)

(Main account by Pintoin)


In 1404, Owain felt encouraged to approach the French for help because of the example set by Owain Lawgoch, who died in the service of the late King Charles, whom he had succeeded by right of inheritance. John Hanmer and Gruffydd Yonge had been sent to France as ambassadors, and in gratitude for the promise of aid from the French, they sent a message to the count de La Marche (or James II of Bourbon-La Marche) and his men. It included a list of the best ports in Wales, the safest and most useful routes, and the districts that were the most fertile and best stocked. With this information, the French nobles were keen to join the expedition and forge an illustrious and profitable career. They were also keen to fight under the command of de La Marche who had made a name for himself in previous campaigns – although he was present at the disastrous Battle of Nicopolis in 1396 in Hungary. The duke of Berry, of Bourbon and of Orleans raised a fleet of 62 ships, along with 800 men-at-arms and many crossbowmen, and set sail from Brest around the middle of May 1404.
{Monstrelet - Sir James de Bourbon (La Marche), his two brothers (Louis & Jean) and 1200 knights and      esquires were sent to Brest to embark for Wales to the succour of the Welsh against the English. They intended to land at Dartmouth but the wind did not allow this and, when they saw seven fully-laden ships leaving the harbour for Plymouth, La Marche took possession of them. They then entered Plymouth harbour which was destroyed along with the small island of ‘Sallemue’ - possibly Saltash. He made knights of his two brothers, amongst others, and after three days set sail for France. They met a heavy storm on their journey, however, and twelve of his ships were lost with their cargos and all on board. They eventually reached St Malo after a difficult voyage.}
{Cochon said that de La Marche et al assembled themselves in Harfleur and Brest. 20 large ships arrived from Spain and a ‘great number’ more from ‘the Britons’ – and 100,000 francs was spent to fit    out their stores. They left Brest on November 11th and were at sea for 8 days before arriving in England. They apparently burned one village and then returned to France.}
{Juvenal - Charles VI instructed de La Marche to aid Owain – 62 vessels filled with weapons of all kinds were sent to Brest. They put to sea but from the middle of August until the middle of November, de La Marche was waiting for the Welsh to tell him where to attack. This restricted him to the shores of England and many of their arms and armour was lost when one of the vessels sank. They    returned to France without any fruits of their work. None of them were happy as they received no payment for the expedition.}


Brest to Milford

On July 30th 1405, John Stanley sent a letter to Henry IV to say that two of his Flintshire spies - David Whitmore of Whitford Llan and Ieuan ap Maredudd, a steward of Hope – had reported to him that OG had summoned a parliament in Harlech.  Four of the most influential people from each of the commotes in Wales would be there, and they also informed Stanley that OG proposed to negotiate a treaty with Henry – if he had enough support from the Welsh attending the parliament and also from the French.

During July 1405 a force of over 2500 men was assembled in Brest – leaving port on July 22 under the leadership of some distinguished French nobles: Jean VI de Hangest (lord of Hugueville and master of crossbows), Jean II de Rieux (marshal of France), Renaut de Trie (admiral), amongst others including Robert de la Heuse (- or Le Borgue, lord of Ventes and the Governor of St Malo in 1406). Jean de Rieux would have been in command – but Jean de Hengest would have acted as general because of de Rieux’s age and ill health. The force included 800 handpicked men, 600 crossbows and 1200 light troops, and they crossed over to Wales in two large warships and 30 smaller vessels after waiting for a favourable wind. Many of their war-horses perished en route due to lack of fresh water, but in early August the force put to land in Milford. Here they were probably met by a large force of around 10000 of Owain’s men - or perhaps they met up later in Tenby.
{Monstrelet - The marshal of France and the master of the crossbows collected 12000 fighting men and marched to Brest to board six score (120) sailing vessels bound for Wales. They stayed there for 15 days, until the wind was favourable, and then set sail for Haverfordwest (- probably Milford Haven) – which they took, slaying all the inhabitants.}
{Cochon said July 23rd 1405 – and that Jean de Hangest and Le Borgue de la Heuse of Ventes were the captains of a great army which left with 16 great ships and two carracks to go to the aid of the prince of Wales.}
{Juvenal - the marshal of Rieux and the lord of Hugueville decided to fulfil the king’s promise. They had       several encounters at sea and also when they arrived in Wales. They were received grandly and honourably but were engaged in action immediately.}
{Walsingham said 140 ships – and that Lord Berkeley and Henry Pay had set fire to 15 of those ships in Milford, and also captured 14 more ships sailing to aid Owain.}

On August 7th 1405, Henry IV sent a letter from Pontefract Castle to the sheriff of Hereford saying that he had recently received information that the lord of Hugueville and others had sailed with a fleet of ships into the port of Milford to meet up with the Welsh ‘rebels’. He commanded the sheriffs of the towns in the Welsh Marches to resist this force for the salvation and defence of his kingdom. They were to ‘proclaim to every knight, esquire, yeoman and militiaman that they should prepare and arm themselves, and travel with all due speed to Hereford to reprimand and strongly resist the evil and arrogance of their enemies’.

Haverfordwest to Carmarthen

The French army then attacked Haverfordwest where almost 300 armed men together with a force of archers confronted them. They defeated this force and then made several assaults on the town but the fortifications were too strong. This was despite them having the use of their siege artillery which had been brought up the Western Cleddau from Milford. They eventually left without taking the castle – but Patrouillart de Trie, a famous knight, was killed during the assault.

On the same day, a detachment attacked Picton Castle and forced it to surrender after the first assault. The French then plundered the surrounding countryside before reaching Tenby. Whilst preparing to besiege and take the town, they saw a fleet of 30 heavily-armed ships arriving to rescue the townspeople. They had beached most of their ships and could not float them in order to escape by sea – and so they took the provisions off them and then set fire to them. Although they had 2000 Welsh horsemen supporting them, they panicked and abandoned their siege engines and most of their artillery and luggage.

They then made their way to St Clears, burning villages as they went, and prepared to besiege it. The St Clears garrison promised to surrender if Carmarthen also did so. Owain had sworn an oath that he would not leave Carmarthen without taking it and, after 4 days of siege, the French undermined the walls and then breached them. Many of the defenders died during the first assault and, when they saw that a second attack was being planned, they decided to enter into talks. They agreed to surrender to Owain and the French and the town was plundered and burned.
{Monstrelet - They wasted the country around there and then advanced to the castle of Haverford which held the earl of Arundel along with many other men at arms and soldiers. They burnt the town and       suburbs under the castle but they then marched away, burning the countryside with fire and sword until they reached Tenby. Here they met with Glyndwr and 10000 soldiers and marched to Carmarthen.}
{Cochon – The French were in Wales until November 1st before returning to France after doing ‘fine work both in feats of arms and marvels’.}
{Juvenal - They set siege at a walled city - Haverford or Tenby - but, when they saw ships approaching which appeared to have men of war, the Welsh very suddenly arose and departed. The French then joined them and marched on to Carmarthen. The English eventually surrendered, under a written agreement, and then the Welsh burned the town and razed the walls. ‘Because it was winter’ the French lodged in various places in harsh conditions, until they returned to France by    sea around the beginning of Lent.}

Return to France

After leaving Carmarthen, they marched to Cardigan – which also quickly capitulated.

The French marched ‘sixty leagues’ into the country, apparently, but then sought three different areas around Cardigan for them to camp before returning home to France (– no mention is made of the push to Worcester and the stand-off with Henry IV, however). The knights and esquires sailed on six small vessels – but left 1200 light troops and 500 crossbows to stay in Wales under the command of a Picard squire called le Begue de Belay. These men eventually made it back to France by the following Lent, although the exact date is unknown.

Woodbury Hill

One league is roughly 3.5 miles. The distance from Carmarthen to Cardigan is roughly 26 miles or 7.5 leagues – and so the Franco-Welsh force must have marched further than Cardigan. The distance from Carmarthen to Woodbury Hill (via Brecon) is about 110 miles – or 31 leagues, however, and via Caerleon it is about 145 miles – or 41 leagues. From Woodbury Hill to Cardigan is roughly 125 miles – or 35 leagues – and so the total journey would have been in the range of 66 to 76 leagues from Carmarthen to Woodbury Hill and back to Cardigan. The ‘Canon Pyon Hoard’ was discovered in 1997 – dating from the late 13th to late 14th centuries – and may well have been buried around this time.

{Monstrelet – (After Carmarthen) they then marched through Glamorgan, went to the Round Table (Caerleon) - and a noble abbey - and then took the road to Worcester, again burning the suburbs and countryside. Three leagues* (about 10 miles) beyond Worcester they met with Henry IV who had a large army with him. Both sides drew up on hills either side of a valley and waited for the attack of its opponent. This lasted for 8 days – every morning they were drawn up in battle array   and remaining like this until evening. There were a few skirmishes between the two forces when more than two hundred on each side were killed and even more wounded. Three French knights were killed – Sir Patrouillart de Trie (brother to the marshal of France), the lord de Martelonne        and the lord de la Valle. The French and Welsh were starving as the English had cut off their supply lines but, after 8 days, Henry IV retreated to Worcester – although a force of French and Welsh attacked his baggage train of 18 carts loaded with provisions. They then marched back to Wales and embarked on ships bound for St Pol de Leon.}
* Great Witley is roughly this distance from Worcester.



Pintoin – Michel Pintoin in the Chronicle of Charles VI
       [Pintoin, Chronique, ed. Bellaguet, 3.164-68, 322-28]
     * Pontoin (d.1421) was identified as the ‘Chronicler of St Denis’ in the 1970s, and        his is the most detailed account of the events - and probably the most accurate.

Monstrelet – Enguerrand de Monstrelet’s ‘Chronicle’
       [Monstrelet, Chronique, ed. d’Arcq, 1.81-84 and Monstrelet, Chronicles, trans.                     Johnes, 1.28-29]
     * Monstrelet (c.1400-53) was a minor official in Picardy and his chronicle covered the years 1400 to 1444. It was used for many subsequent chroniclers in both France and    England.

Cochon – Pierre Cochon’s ‘Normandy Chronicle’
       [Manuscript: Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS fds. Francais 9859.3]
     * Cochon was a priest of Rouen who continued the chronicle up to 1430.

Juvenal – Jean Juvenal des Ursins’ ‘History of Charles VI’
       [Jean Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire de Charles VI, ed. Michaud and Poujoulat,
              2.429, 431, 437]
     * It is unclear when – and if – Jean Juvenal wrote this Histoire de Charles VI, but it is        known that he was strongly anti-Burgundian and his views on many matters were opposite to those of Monstrelet.

Walsingham – St Albans Chronicle
       [Manuscript: Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 462 – various folders]

Stanley – John Stanley’s letter to Henry IV re: Harlech Parliament
       [Manuscript: London, British Library MS Cotton Cleopatra F.iii, fol. 58r]
     * John Stanley was from Newton in Macclesfield, and his descendants became the earls of Derby.

Henry IV – letter sent from Pontefract Castle to the sheriff of Hereford
       [Rymer, Foedera, 8.406-07]